[dropcap]T[/dropcap]uesday’s online Daily Mail featured a story about a man who reported his Porsche missing only to be placed in police handcuffs when investigators discovered in his garage six other cars—all stolen. The published item reminded me of Kenny Anthony’s latest adventure: an effort to have the courts put a stop to all government work in Vieux Fort associated with Desert Star Holdings.
If the so-called Dead Zone’s now you see him now you don’t parliamentary representative should have his way, I imagine it would put the kibosh on several pies now in the oven, about which the government has for many months been crowing, in the process lifting higher and higher the expectations of desperate relief-seeking southern residents.
The most recent application by the famously litigious Vieux Fort South MP for a court injunction could’ve been filed soon after the DSH brouhaha first broke wind in July 2016. But then it occurs to me that lawyers move in mysterious ways; especially when they are also opposition politicians hell-bent on riding the whirlwinds of chaos back into office. Some may well be self-convinced that what the long idle residents of Vieux Fort want most is that they be permitted to rest in peace—not the sleep-chasing sounds associated with road-building equipment, flying hooves, delirious horse-racing enthusiasts giddy-upping their favorite stallions, to say nothing of Project Hewanorra Airport with all its advertised wondrous aspects.
Then again, better late than never. Besides, who would know better than the IMPACS architect the debilitating consequences of our fast evanescing justice system? Conceivably it would suit him just fine if it took the courts, say, a year, before his application was processed. I imagine that if the result proved unfavorable, he would be free to appeal it—all the way to the Privy Council and, for all I know, the Strasbourg-based European Court of Human Rights.
I suspect legal fees would for him—a lawyer with always available staunch lawyer-friends—not be as crippling as for the average Joe. I know several citizens without means who’ve been waiting decades to be compensated for properties acquired in the public interest. And there’s not a damn thing they can do about it, other than wait even longer. Others were wrongfully dismissed from their jobs, according to court judgments, and awarded damages that remain unpaid years after the decisions were handed down.
Then there are the deprived and helpless relatives of the casualties of suspect police activities that according to Kenny Anthony, when he was prime minister, had been made to look like regular police work. By all the signs, it will be a long-long time before they sample the sweet juices of justice.
As I say, an unduly long delay in settling Kenny Anthony’s most recent claims against the Chastanet government could result in the stalling of scheduled projects—even their outright abandonment. For the chronically unemployed and the economy in general, that would be disastrous. As for the Allen Chastanet government, the repercussions could be of eschatological proportions. But then, who would argue if by Kenny Anthony’s righteous measure all of that would be but a small price to pay for doing the right thing!
What particularly concerns me about his latest court application has nothing to do with the possible impact on Chastanet’s ambitions; neither with the fortunes of Desert Star Holdings—in which I have taken scant interest, for reasons already explained over and over, never mind the hollow protestations of the conveniently deaf and daft!
My interest in the Kenny Anthony matter centers yet again on his credibility. But first, to the back-story—to Sunday, 29 January 2017. Kenny Anthony has decided it’s the right time to emerge from his ego-restoring hibernation. He offers an empathetic Vieux Fort gathering his reasons for avoiding them immediately following the elections debacle: He wanted “to give the people the opportunity to come face to face with the realities of their decision” to dump his government.
Exactly who were those particular “people” of whom he spoke so menacingly, Kenny Anthony did not say. Neither did he explain how his absence had adversely affected them. He chose instead “to share my thoughts on DSH”—unheard of before July 2016.
“I want the people of Vieux Fort to know what it means to them, and will end my contribution by giving them some practical advice on what they need to do . . .”
He switched to the third person: “Those of you who are from Vieux Fort will remember that every year, except for last year, Kenny Anthony was the one who held an annual horse-racing activity in Vieux Fort for the last 19 years . . . There has never been anyone more committed to horse racing than Kenny Anthony and the SLP. That is why when we had the opportunity to seek investment to construct a horse-racing facility we grabbed the opportunity to do so.”
The particular opportunity was presented by the late Winston Trim, who lived for horses and horse racing. Anthony recalled that when he was still prime minister Trim had visited him at his office “with a jockey from England,” at which time Trim had talked about a group that wanted to establish “a facility.” The prime minister met with them and was rewarded with an invitation to visit China, which he refused.(Obviously the Chinese invite was not nearly as attractive as Gilbert Chagoury’s all-expenses paid joyride to Paris!)
“I said, I’m not going to China; you come to Saint Lucia,” Anthony sniffed. “In time discussions got underway. Then Trim started complaining about the Chinese and I told him that was a matter for him and them; I would not get involved.”
Someone close to the prime minister entered the picture. Anthony recalled that Ernest Hilaire and other officials had joined him in negotiations with Desert Star Holdings’ Teo Ah Khing, whom the prime minister found to be a “clever, very clever man” and impossibly “uncompromising . . . He had to have his way or nothing. When we tried to explain to him that we were a small country with many sensitivities, he would have none of it. It had to be his way or nothing.”
He seemed abruptly to change course. In the tone of a headmaster scolding a student, he said: “There is something you must learn about your Labour Party. Something about the way it handles things. Why was Kenny Anthony so stupid? Why did he not call elections and announce the project? Why?”
It’s anyone’s guess how many in his audience had actually questioned the wisdom of his snap-elections strategy. Chances are the questions had occurred to him during his lonely hibernation. In all events he offered his own answers: “I don’t believe in bluffing people. I don’t believe in misleading people. I prefer to do the right thing and lose an election than do the wrong thing and win. That is who I am and that will not change. No matter what you say or think about me, I have always believed in doing the right thing.” Of course his main question—“Why is Kenny Anthony so stupid?”— remained unanswered!
He returned to Teo Ah Khing and Desert Star Holdings. Oh, and the new prime minister, against whom the then leader of the St. Lucia Labour Party (who, by his own account, always did the right thing) had declared war and lost; badly.
“If Chastanet had called and asked for a meeting with DSH,” said the recently removed prime minister to his groaning flock, “I would have given him the courtesy of such a meeting. But now it’s too late. No more talks, no more talks, no more talks. This is not how you treat your predecessor. You have to respect your predecessor. Not a single person has ever approached me from the government and asked for my views on what they are trying to do.”
The promised revelations had given way to matters personal. As if he were Rodney Dangerfield, he had been shown scant respect by the new prime minister, proof that he was unfit to lead. Curiously, many continue to believe Kenny Anthony was determined to establish the proposed DSH project by whatever means necessary, despite the opposition’s continuing anti-DSH propaganda. What follows tends to support the popular view. It is a letter to Teo Ah Khing from then prime minister Kenny Anthony:
“Dear Teo: It was a pleasure to receive your email and note the strong enthusiasm that still exists to make the project a reality. I am touched by the strength of your commitment. I am also excited by the potential of the project and have instructed my team to find solutions to the disagreements that still exists [sic]. I trust that this can be done immediately.
“The issue of exclusivity is an exceedingly difficult one. I believe it is really important for you to understand our position on this matter. As a new CIP jurisdiction it will suffocate the program as all other projects which depend on China will be withdrawn. This will also cause severe reputational damage. Rather than the exclusivity serving as an attraction for others, it will in fact discourage others. But more importantly, investors who have already bought land, commenced their designs and made submissions for approval will be placed in a most undesirable position by the unexpected announcement of an exclusivity for one project. It will really help me to understand what is the interest you seek to achieve so I may consider other ways in which we can assist to achieve the same objective.
“Of greater concern, though, is the requirement to waive sovereign immunity. This is unprecedented and may well require parliamentary approval. To do so in an election year is suicidal. However, I am sure that our proposed wording can achieve the same interest and not prejudice the project in any way.
“Teo, rest assured that I possess an even greater desire to see this project become a reality for so many reasons. I will push to the limit. I ask that you consider my thoughts which I have shared above. Let us find solutions and make this a flag-bearer for a sustainable integrated resort development in the world.” (My emphasis.)
Does anything in Kenny Anthony’s letter to Teo Ah Khing suggest the prime minister was negotiating with an impossibly “uncompromising” individual with an irrevocable my way or the highway attitude? In all events, the prime minister seemed eager to accommodate Teo Ah Khing’s interests, even if it meant rewording his demands so as to make the unpalatable palatable. (See paragraph above relating to “sovereign immunity.” Also keep in mind his repeated references to general elections.)
Then there is this email addressed to the CEO of Desert Star Holdings, who customarily refers in his missives to Kenny Anthony as My Dearest Prime Minister: “Dear Teo: It is always good to hear from you! I continue to admire your commitment and passion for this investment. I understand that your proposals are on the way to Cabinet for consideration. Ihope we can give you a response in the next few days. Meanwhile, preparations for general elections are underway; so in the next few weeks I will inevitably be consumed with the campaign. Warmest Regards.”
At the time the prime minister wrote the above letters to Teo Ah Khing, elections were constitutionally due on April 5, 2017 at the latest. Most Saint Lucians—including key SLP campaigners and election candidates— were caught with their pants down when the prime minister, in his May 19, 2016 “The Die Is Cast” address to the nation, announced that Polling Day would be on June 6, 2016. But Teo Ah Khing was not among those caught off guard.
Notice, too, dear reader, that the second email here reproduced was dated April 22, 2016. In other words, less than one month before the announcement of the year’s general elections, correspondence between Kenny Anthony and Teo Ah Khing could not have been more cordial. In Kenny Anthony’s earlier letter of February 10, 2016—yes, 2016—things were so hunky dory that the prime minister had actually promised effectively to turn water into wine for Desert Star Holdings. So just when did Teo Ah Khing transmogrify into this dreadful troll excoriated by Kenny Anthony at his first post-election outing in Vieux Fort? When did Teo Ah Khing become monstrously “uncompromising” and too clever by half?
I neglected to mention that the letters reproduced above were copied to Kenbelles@gmail.com—not the email address of the minister in charge of Invest St. Lucia. Was Kenbelles@gmail.com Kenny Anthony’s private email address? If yes, does it ring bells? I should also add that the letters in my possession betray no connection with the Office of the Prime Minister. When it comes to the relationship between Kenny Anthony and Teo Ah King were his Cabinet colleagues left as much in the dark as they were in relation to Grynberg? Never mind his more recent platform exhalations, the question remains: Had the United Workers Party not won the 2016 elections, would Kenny Anthony have delivered on a platter all that Teo Ah Khing desired? More importantly, are Kenny Anthony’s efforts at cock-blocking the proposed DSH project in the best interests of his constituency—or are his reasons strictly personal?
We gon talk!
